Transcriber’s Notes:
Underscores “_” before and after a word or phrase indicate _italics_ in the original text. Small capitals have been converted to SOLID capitals. Illustrations have been moved so they do not break up paragraphs. Typographical errors have been silently corrected. The advertisements at the beginning of the book have been moved to the end.
THE MONEY MARKET
BY F. STRAKER
FELLOW OF AND LECTURER TO THE BANKERS’ INSTITUTE AND LECTURER TO THE EDUCATIONAL DEPARTMENT OF THE LONDON CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
THIRD EDITION
METHUEN & CO. LTD. 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. LONDON
_First Published_ _June 1904_ _Second Edition_ _January 1911_ _Third Edition_ _1920_
CONTENTS
PAGE CHAPTER I THE BEGINNING OF BANKING IN ENGLAND 1
CHAPTER II THE FOUNDATION AND GROWTH OF THE BANK OF ENGLAND 7
CHAPTER III THE EARLY PRIVATE BANKERS 19
CHAPTER IV THE BANK CHARTER ACT OF 1844, AND ITS SUSPENSIONS 28
CHAPTER V THE DEVELOPMENT OF LONDON AS THE FINANCIAL CENTRE OF THE WORLD 41
CHAPTER VI FACTORS OF THE MONEY MARKET 47
CHAPTER VII THE BANK RETURN 56
CHAPTER VIII THE GROWTH OF JOINT-STOCK BANKS 76
CHAPTER IX JOINT-STOCK BANK BALANCE SHEETS 87
CHAPTER X THE BILL-BROKERS 105
CHAPTER XI THE CLEARING HOUSE 115
CHAPTER XII FOREIGN EXCHANGES 122
CHAPTER XIII THE MONEY ARTICLE OF THE PRESS 144
CHAPTER XIV CONCLUSION 161
APPENDIX THE GOLD RESERVE 169 INDEX 179
THE MONEY MARKET
CHAPTER I
THE BEGINNING OF BANKING IN ENGLAND
The present position of the Money Market in this country so enters into the life of the people as a thing that _is_, that few trouble themselves to inquire how our monetary system came to be what it is, how it was founded, grew, and developed into its present state. Whether people are aware of it or not, the stability and condition of the Money Market of a country influences the lives of all—rich and poor alike—and the material well-being of all is largely dependent upon it. Before proceeding to any examination of the methods in which present-day business in the London Money Market is conducted, we will look back into the past, and trace the rise of our financial system from its early beginnings.
Trade is, of course, the foundation of, and reason for, the need of money; and trade commenced with the first division of labour. With the earliest men one was more fitted for one thing and one for another; one was a hunter and one a husbandman. When the hunter handed over to the husbandman so many skins for so much corn, trade was established; but this trade was, of course, only a system of barter. As men grew more civilised and trade developed, the inconveniences of this system became apparent and pressing, and gradually more suitable modes of settling transactions were evolved; although in certain remote and uncivilised parts of the world trading by barter exists to the present day. As a reminder of bygone times there is, in the Royal Exchange, a picture of the Phœnicians trading with the men of Cornwall fine cloth for tin and skins.
We know that the early inhabitants of this country had coinage of a kind, but the earliest record of any definite business in monetary transactions was in the reign of William the Conqueror, who first introduced Jewish traders to this country. From that time on, for hundreds of years, the Jews were more or less intimately connected with our finances; but they led a very chequered career in England, being frequently treated with great cruelty and barbarity. They were required for the help which could be obtained from them, but hated by the people for their usurious practices. The exactions which the kings and nobles of the time put upon them were largely conducive to these practices, however, as unless the Jews could make large profits out of the people they would not have been able to meet these exactions.
The financial importance of the Jews appears to have declined in this country towards the end of the thirteenth century; but about the same time their place was taken by the Lombards, the early Italian merchants, who came over and settled here in the street which still bears their name. These Lombards were men of some attainment, being skilled in arts and trade, and they possessed the only knowledge of banking then in existence. They combined the art of the goldsmith with the business of the banker, and gradually obtained a firm and sound footing in the country.
The reign of Elizabeth was notable, among many other things, for a great and important increase in the trade and commerce of the country. Many causes contributed to this, among others being the capture of Antwerp by the Duke of Parma, when it is said a third of the merchants of that flourishing city found a refuge on the banks of the Thames. The newly awakened national energies found fresh outlets and markets, and London gradually became the general mart of Europe and of the then known world. That the knowledge of banking and the foreign exchanges had by this time considerably developed we can gather from many sources; but the knowledge and wisdom exhibited by Sir Thomas Gresham during the reigns of Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth is remarkable, and his influence had a far-reaching effect on the public and private finances of the time.
In spite of this increase of the knowledge of monetary matters, however, no settled banking business developed for some time. As our merchants gradually accumulated riches they fell into the custom of sending their surplus funds to the Tower of London for safe custody. This custom was brought to an abrupt end in 1640 by Charles I. taking possession of £200,000 which had thus been lodged at the Tower; but this sum was shortly after repaid. For a time the merchants kept their moneys in their own possession, but owing to the unsettled condition of affairs ruling through the whole period of the civil war, they adopted a system of depositing their cash with the goldsmiths, who were by this time a wealthy and responsible body.
In addition to the presumed safety of funds so deposited, the goldsmiths offered an extra inducement for further funds to be placed in their hands by allowing interest on such moneys. With this additional borrowed cash at their disposal, the goldsmiths commenced the business of discounting bills and lending money; and they also lent money to the king on the security of the taxes. The receipts they issued for the money lodged with them circulated from hand to hand, and were known as Goldsmiths’ Notes, and these may be considered the first kind of notes issued in England. Scott, in the _Fortunes of Nigel_, makes Heriot to say, “I am a goldsmith, and live by lending money as well as by selling plate.”
In 1672, however, this gradually developing banking business received a rude shock. As we have already seen, the goldsmiths, or bankers, of the time lent their money to the king; that is, they deposited their moneys with the Treasury on the security of the revenue, from which they were afterwards reimbursed, obtaining a good rate of interest on their money in the meanwhile. A king or a government, however, can no more live beyond their income without getting into difficulties, than can an individual. The necessities and extravagances of Charles II. led him to a memorable step when, in the year 1672, he suddenly ordered the Exchequer to be closed, and refused to pay out any of the sums deposited. The amount thus annexed was about £1,300,000, and this drastic measure had the effect of bringing ruin on nearly half of the goldsmiths, and consequently on their clients who had money deposited with them. The injustice of this seizure raised such universal protest that the king agreed to pay interest at the rate of 6 per cent. per annum on the principal sum out of the hereditary excise. This interest was paid until the last year of his reign, and subsequently an arrangement was made by which about one-half the sum owing was allotted to the claimants in the form of stock. This was the real commencement of our National Debt in its present form.
CHAPTER II
FOUNDATION AND GROWTH OF THE BANK OF ENGLAND
In tracing the history of our financial system we now come to the important event of the establishment of the Bank of England.
About the year 1691 the Government of William and Mary experienced considerable difficulty in raising the necessary funds to prosecute the war with France; but “the hour brings the man.” The man on this occasion was William Paterson, a merchant of Scotland, who had been educated for the Church, but had led a varied and adventurous life. The scheme he presented for the consideration of the Government for the relief of the situation was the foundation of a public joint-stock bank; which, in return for certain powers and privileges to be conferred, should advance money to the Government. His scheme, though well received in official circles, produced very great opposition from many classes of the public, who thought they would be prejudiced by such an institution.
The goldsmiths thought they saw in it the destruction of their business, the money-lenders a reduction in the rates of interest obtainable, certain merchants a reduction of their profits on Government contracts, while the political opponents of the Government and the king saw that the scheme, if efficiently carried out, would naturally strengthen the former and give the latter a firmer position than he occupied at that time; and all these interested parties with one accord joined forces and condemned the scheme.
But in spite of all opposition the Bill establishing the Bank of England was successfully carried through Parliament, and obtained the royal assent on the 25th April, 1694.
The basis of the Bill was that £1,200,000 should be voluntarily subscribed by the public, and that the subscribers should be incorporated into a body, to be known as “The Governor and Company of the Bank of England.”
The whole of the sum forming the capital of the Bank was to be lent to the Government, for which the Bank was to receive interest at the rate of 8 per cent. per annum, together with an allowance of £4,000 per annum for management and expenses; making in all £100,000 per annum. It was also provided that the sum of £300,000 was to be raised by public subscription, for which the contributors were to receive certain terminable annuities.
By its first Charter, which was for ten years only, the Bank of England was not allowed to borrow or owe more than the amount of its capital; which meant that it could issue notes to the extent of its capital and no more. If this amount were exceeded the members were liable for such excess, in their private capacities, in proportion to their holding of stock.
The capital of the Bank was subscribed in a few days, and when duly paid up, the agreed sum of £1,200,000 was handed in to the Exchequer.
Such in brief was the foundation of the Bank of England, and though its establishment quickly had a beneficial effect on the community at large, in curtailing the ruling rates of interest, yet its early years were marked by great trouble and many vicissitudes. Certain persons who had opposed its establishment from personal motives saw some of their worst fears being realised in the reduction of their profits, and they were not slow to take advantage of every opportunity which presented itself to throw obstacles in the path of their young though powerful rival, and to unite in efforts to thwart its progress.
With a Government always wanting more financial help, in season and out of season, with debased currency, and with enemies on every side, the position of the directors of the Bank was no enviable one; and it was only by great energy, united effort, and perseverance that they were able to keep their heads above water, and struggle on until at last they found themselves on safer and firmer ground.
The Charter originally granted to the Bank was for ten years only, as we have already seen; but this Charter has from time to time been renewed, and also varied—sometimes in favour of the Bank and sometimes curtailing its privileges. The monopoly of joint-stock banking was not granted to the Bank by its first Charter, but this monopoly was practically conferred on it in 1708. The Act passed in that year provides:—
“That during the continuance of the said corporation of the Governor and Company of the Bank of England, it shall not be lawful for any body politic or corporate whatsoever, created or to be created (other than the said Governor and Company of the Bank of England), or for any other persons whatsoever, united or to be united in covenants or partnership, _exceeding the number of six persons_, in that part of Great Britain called England, to borrow, owe, or take up any sum or sums of money on their bills or notes, payable at demand, or at a less time than six months from the borrowing thereof.”
In spite of its many embarrassments, the following extract from the _London Magazine_ of 1737 shows how well the Bank of England had come to be thought of by that time:—
“There certainly never was a body of men that contributed more to the public safety than the Bank of England. This flourishing and opulent company have, upon every emergency, always cheerfully and readily supplied the necessities of the nation, so that there never have been any difficulties—any embarrassments—any delays in raising the money which has been granted by Parliament for the service of the public; and it may very truly be said that they have, in very many important conjunctures, relieved the nation out of the greatest difficulties, if not absolutely saved it from ruin.”
We pass on now to the end of the eighteenth century, when the country was plunged in the throes of war and financial difficulty. Up to this time the Bank, since its foundation, had succeeded in meeting its notes when presented; but in the year 1796 a steady drain on the reserve of the Bank commenced, owing to the fear of invasion. This drain began to assume a very serious aspect in the early part of 1797, and it appeared probable that the Bank would be subjected to the danger and humiliation of a temporary stoppage. The directors, fully aware of this danger ahead of them, laid the position before the Government, and left the solution of the difficulty in its hands. After due consideration, an Order in Council was issued on the 26th February, 1797, requiring the Bank _not_ to pay its notes in gold. On the following day this Order was made public, and the Bank issued the following notice:—
“BANK OF ENGLAND, _February 27th, 1797_.
“In consequence of an order of His Majesty’s Privy Council, notified to the Bank last night, a copy of which is hereunto annexed, the governor, deputy-governor, and directors of the Bank of England think it their duty to inform the proprietors of the bank stock, as well as the public at large, that the general concerns of the Bank are in the most affluent and prosperous situation, and such as to preclude every doubt as to the security of its notes. The directors mean to continue their usual discounts for the accommodation of the commercial interest, paying the amount in bank-notes, and the dividend warrants will be paid in the same manner.”
This suspension of cash payments was a very drastic measure to take; but the public, recognising the difficulties of the situation, and appreciating the means which were being taken for the general safety, at once fell in with the spirit of the Order, and a meeting of merchants and bankers was held and passed the following resolution, which received very general support:—
“That we, the undersigned, being highly sensible how necessary the preservation of public credit is at this time, do most readily declare that we will not refuse to receive bank-notes in payment of any sum of money to be paid to us, and we will use our utmost endeavours to make all our payments in the same manner.”
An Act was passed in the following May, confirming the action of the Privy Council, but authorising the Bank to pay out sums under twenty shillings in cash, and also allowing certain bankers to have a stated amount of cash. This Act restricted the payment of cash for a period of fifty-two days only, but before it expired a further Act was passed extending the period of restriction, and subsequently other Acts were passed greatly prolonging the period; and it was not until 1823 that the restriction was entirely withdrawn, although as a matter of fact the Bank really resumed paying in cash on demand on May 1st, 1821, deeming it then safe to do so.
Although a period of safety and prosperity then appeared to have dawned, the Bank was not quite clear of its troubles. The very prosperity of the times led imperceptibly to another period of distress and danger, culminating in the panic of 1825.
The year 1824 was notable for a very great increase in the number of joint-stock companies which were promoted or suggested, and also of loans to foreign countries; and a period of intense excitement and speculation ensued. This was followed by the inevitable crisis, which developed into a panic at the end of 1825, when a large number of London and country bankers had to stop payment. The reserve of the Bank was reduced to a merely nominal figure, and the Bank authorities themselves suggested that they should again be “restricted” as to payments; but the suggestion was firmly resisted by the Government. Fortunately, at the lucky moment, an old box which had been stored away was remembered. It contained a large quantity of £1 notes, and these the Bank at once commenced to issue. This issue had very quick and beneficial results. The notes were readily received by the public in exchange for the notes of private bankers, the demand for bullion ceased; and Mr. Harman, giving his evidence before a parliamentary committee inquiring into the causes of the panic, stated it was his opinion that this issue of small notes “saved the credit of the country.”
In 1826 the Bank of England, by arrangement with the Government, agreed to establish branches in various parts of the country, and gave up their monopoly of joint-stock banking, except within a radius of sixty-five miles of London.
The year 1833, however, saw a further restriction in the powers of the Bank, when, after protracted negotiations, and in return for a further renewal of its Charter, the Bank surrendered its monopoly of joint-stock banking entirely, provided that no bank having more than six partners might issue notes within the sixty-five-mile limit of London.
It is a curious point that the Charter of the Bank never did restrict joint-stock banking in its present accepted form, but only _the issue of notes_ by joint-stock bankers or banks having more than six partners. Up to this time the issue of notes by a bank had been thought to be its main business; so much so, that it was believed to be useless to attempt to conduct a bank without power of issue, and consequently no joint-stock bank had been founded. But about this time the need of such institutions began to be felt, and the presumed monopoly of the Bank of England was called in question—largely by Mr. Gilbart, the founder of the London and Westminster Bank. The Bank tried to assert their monopoly, but without success, and in order to settle the matter effectually, the following clause was inserted in the Act passed in 1833 dealing with the Bank Charter:—
“Be it therefore declared and enacted, that any body politic or corporate, or society, or company, or partnership, although consisting of more than six persons, may carry on the trade or business of banking in London, or within sixty-five miles thereof, provided that such body politic or corporate, or society, or company, or partnership, do not borrow, owe, or take up in England, any sum or sums of money on their bills or notes payable on demand, or at any less time than six months from the borrowing thereof, during the continuance of the privileges granted by this Act to the said Governor and Company of the Bank of England.”
It may be noted that this Act of 1833 constituted Bank of England notes a legal tender, except by the Bank itself or its branches.
When the Bank of England first commenced business in 1694, it was located in the Hall of the Grocers’ Company, in which building it continued to conduct its operations until the year 1732. A slight dispute then arising with the Grocers’ Company as to a renewal of the lease of their hall, it was decided by the authorities of the Bank to acquire a building of their own. Accordingly premises were obtained in Threadneedle Street upon a portion of the present site, and Lawson in his _History of the Bank of England_ gives the following details as to the same:—
“The original extent of the Bank comprehends the site of the house and garden belonging to Sir J. Houblon, one of the first directors. It was a comparatively small building, invisible from the street, and surrounded by other buildings, one being the church of St. Christopher le Stocks, and the others consisting of five inns and twenty private houses. As the business and importance of the Bank grew, the surrounding premises were acquired from time to time and demolished, and the present building was gradually erected. Although the church of St. Christopher shared a similar fate with the surrounding buildings, the churchyard was preserved, and now forms what is known as the ‘Garden’ of the Bank.”
Lawson states that one of the clerks of the Bank, of the name of Jenkins, was buried in this consecrated ground. The cause of this interment in such a place arose out of a fear, as expressed by his relatives, that in consequence of his singular height (he was about seven feet tall), his body would be exhumed by body-snatchers if buried elsewhere. The sequel to this episode is within the writer’s personal knowledge. Having to pay a visit to a dentist some few years ago, he was shown, as a curiosity, an enormous human lower jaw-bone with a full set of perfect teeth. Judging from its size, the dentist said that it had evidently belonged to a giant, and he added that it had been given to him by a friend who was a builder and contractor, and that the jaw-bone had been found by one of this friend’s workmen while carrying out some alterations and excavations at the Bank of England!
Alas, poor Jenkins! to be buried in the “Garden” of the Bank of England as a sure place of refuge against body-snatchers, and in the end to have his jaw-bone exhibited as a curio in a dentist’s surgery.
Having shortly sketched the history of the Bank of England from its inception to the time when it was to be opposed by strong competitive establishments, we now will briefly examine the development of private banking up to this period.
CHAPTER III
THE EARLY PRIVATE BANKERS
We have already seen that elementary banking operations in the country were carried on by the Jews, who in course of time were succeeded by the Lombards, and that then the business, such as it was, drifted into the hands of the goldsmiths. During the more settled years of the Commonwealth the need of banking accommodation was keenly felt by merchants and traders to enable them to carry on their business, and as demand creates supply, the goldsmith bankers increased in number—and in wealth.
There was, indeed, at this time a demand made by certain persons for the establishment of joint-stock banks, on the system already in vogue in several parts of the Continent; and we find that an eminent London merchant, named Lamb, presented an address to the Lord Protector with this object in view. After enumerating all the advantages to be derived from the establishment of such institutions, his address concluded in the following quaint form:—
“Lastly, a bank with a certain number of sufficient men of estate and credit, joined together in a joynt stock, being as it were the general cashkeepers or treasurers of the place where they are settled, and divers others, tending much to the tranquility of your highness and the welfare of the English nation, which, with your highness’s favourable encouragement, I shall in all humility be ready to make known to you, and remove any objections as can be alledged in the premises, and propound a way how it may be effected, and the evils remedied and prevented, being unwilling to bury the talent in a napkin which it hath pleased the Giver of all blessings in his great goodness and mercie to bestow upon me, hoping that I shall not offend by tendering this with my best services to your highness.”
Although this matter was referred to a Parliamentary Committee, nothing came of the proposal.
In 1667 the gradually developing banking business received a check by what is known as a “run” taking place, and this appears to be the first episode of the kind of which we have any record. This event lessened the credit of the bankers, but the action of Charles II. in closing the Exchequer in 1672 nearly brought their business to an end.
By the time of the establishment of the Bank of England, however, many bankers had again regained a position of credit and wealth, and they continued to carry on and develop their business in spite of the competition of the new bank. About the same time several joint-stock banks were founded and carried on successfully until they were obliged to wind up their affairs in 1708, in consequence of the monopoly granted to the Bank of England in that year. Although the London banks, which continued in existence after the granting of this monopoly, were not prohibited by the Bank Charter from issuing their own notes, yet this part of their business gradually declined in the presence of their all-powerful rival, and it ceased altogether about the year 1750 (though some writers give the date as about 1793).
About the year 1775 the City bankers, finding great inconvenience in settling their mutual transactions, established what is called the “Clearing House,” to facilitate their exchanges with each other; of this we shall have more to say later. It may be noted that the two oldest banking houses in London are those of Messrs. Child and Company and Messrs. Hoare, both of which were established before the Bank of England.
In the early days of which we are now speaking, the personal relations of banker and customer were rather different from those of the present time of keen competition: only the merchants and wholesale dealers were personally known to their banker, who was scarcely acquainted with even the names of the retail dealers favouring him with their patronage.
The following amusing anecdote is related, bearing on the lighter side of banking, of an interview between a certain banker in Lombard Street and one of his customers who was a baker:—The baker having one day paid in £500 to his account, left the bank and stood on the doorstep debating in his mind which way he should turn, when the banker came up, and as there was no room for him to pass in without soiling his clothes against the baker’s working ones, he haughtily said, “Move away, fellow!” The baker, feeling of some importance, was naturally nettled, and replied somewhat rudely, which led to high words, and finally the banker was sent spinning into the gutter. Rising up full of wrath, he loudly called for someone to fetch a constable and arrest the fellow, when the cashier who had just received the baker’s money came forward and, to the banker’s surprise, whispered in his ear that the baker was one of his own customers. Retiring into his private room to recover himself, he soon sent for the baker. Apologies were exchanged, and it is said that the banker and baker were thereafter good friends.
Of the early history of country banks we have no very definite records, but we know that after the passing of the Act in 1708, prohibiting the foundation of banks having more than six partners,[1] a large number of private banks having fewer partners than the prescribed number came into existence to meet the necessities of the time; and after the passing of the Bank Restriction Act in 1797 their number was largely increased. At the time of the passing of this latter Act, it is calculated that there were somewhat under three hundred country banks in existence, but by 1813 we find that the number had increased to nearly one thousand.
[Footnote 1: Under the Companies Act, 1862 (25 & 26 Vict. cap. 89), private banks may now have as many as ten partners. Section 4 provides that “no company, association, or partnership consisting of more than ten persons shall be formed, after the commencement of this Act, for the purpose of carrying on the business of Banking unless it is registered as a company under this Act or is formed in pursuance of some other Act of Parliament or of Letters Patent.” Re-enacted by Companies (Consolidation) Act, 1908, sec. 1 (1).]
In the eighteenth century banking was essentially _free_, in the fullest sense of the word, except for the one prohibition as to the number of partners constituting a bank. Anyone was at liberty to put up the magic word “Bank” over his door and commence business. We cannot say very much as to the solvency of these banks; some were doubtless sound and ably managed, but every wave of distress which swept over the country unfailingly overthrew large numbers of these so-called banks, and occasioned much local suffering.