Daniel Webster, as far back as 1842, found that the spirit of unrest was in the air as it is now. In an address in that year he said:
“There are persons who constantly clamor. They complain of oppression, speculation and the pernicious influence of accumulated wealth. They cry out loudly against all banks and corporations and all means by which small capitals become united in order to produce important and beneficial results. They carry on mad hostility against all established institutions. They would choke the fountain of industry, and dry all the streams. In a country of unbounded liberty they clamor against oppression. In a country of perfect equality they would move heaven and earth against privilege and monopoly. In a country where property is more evenly divided than anywhere else they rend the air shouting agrarian doctrines. In a country where the wages of labor are high beyond parallel, they would teach the laborer that he is but an oppressed slave.”
I will here deviate to another division of the subject.
Considerable uneasiness and unrest have been evinced not only by the Socialists, but by many others, as to whether great individual or corporate wealth—in other words, capital—is inimical and hostile to the public welfare and a menace to our institutions.
I think that it can be clearly shown that this anxiety and unrest are without any good foundation. There is nothing in fact to justify this unrest.
In our own country especially, where individual opportunities are practically limitless and where thought and effort are exerted to the utmost straining point, most fruitful, indeed, has been the result. We have seen that the making of large fortunes coincidently with great general prosperity, that is, by those doing a profitable business on a large scale, is an inevitable economic result.
The past forty-five years in the United States embrace a new era of wealth—an era in which the accumulation of vast amounts of money, or its equivalent, in individual and corporate hands, has accompanied the most marvelous national growth and prosperity in all history.
New conditions have arisen, and new methods have had to be employed, while new men, equipped with new ideas, have not been found wanting to meet all requirements, and to keep step with the march of progress on both land and sea. Unlike the people of some of the older countries, where, as in Russia, they distrust their government, Americans do not hoard their wealth. They employ it. They have nothing to hoard it for. Their quickly acquired fortunes are generally lavishly disbursed, both in their style of living and their investments. With much of the money they put into circulation, railroads are built and extended, mammoth factories are constructed, labor is employed on a larger scale than before, more farms are cultivated, and more crops are moved and exported. Through all the arteries of trade and commerce the wealth thus employed flows and adds to the growth and prosperity of the country.
Keeping the wheels of commerce moving, by supplying the demands of the financial, mercantile, manufacturing and agricultural world with the “sinews of war,” in the up-to-date American way, instead of merely gathering wealth and hiding it away, has been to my mind one great secret of our unprecedented national advancement.
[Illustration:
CHARLES M. SCHWAB. ]
Although it is impossible to demonstrate just how important an influence this practice of keeping wealth actively in use has played in helping to bring about and preserve the generally progressive and prosperous condition of affairs, there is evidence enough to refute much that has been said against the possession of great wealth, and also to show that the hostile or critical attitude of the press and the people toward it is unjust, and should be derided instead of being popular with the masses, as it is. The assistance which Americans of great wealth have given the nation, in the founding and preservation of institutions for the public benefit and in many other ways, has never been sufficiently appreciated or acknowledged.
Wealth in good hands serves good purposes. The richest men of the Thirteen Colonies in the American Revolution were among the most active and self-sacrificing of American patriots. They included George Washington, John Adams, John Hancock, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison and Robert Morris, whose names are imperishable on our national roll of fame.
In that glorious struggle for freedom, these wealthy patriots performed a leading and arduous part, and aided largely in effecting that grand result—the establishment of this great republic, the United States of America, under the best and freest Constitution in the world.
Passing onward from that memorable time, we come to that of the Rebellion, when Secession reared its aggressive head, and the very life of our institutions was in extreme jeopardy. In the early part of the great Civil War—when the Government, friendless abroad, knew not which way to turn for the financial aid that it so sorely needed to defend itself and prosecute the war—history will recall that the great wealth of private individuals proved not a menace, but a blessing and a godsend to the Nation. These served their country well by coming forward with their wealth and buying United States bonds in large amounts when the risk was hazardous. By so doing they rendered patriotic public service that should make even the Socialists hesitate before condemning great individual wealth as dangerous to the national welfare.
I might in illustration of what I say enumerate instances almost without number where, from the rock-ribbed coast of Maine to the Golden Gate of California, under the beneficent rays of great gifts of the wealthy the seeds of education have been sown broadcast and have grown into grand and telling factors in shaping the character of the rising generation of American manhood and the destiny of this great country.
In keeping with the hostility, or unrest, concerning great individual wealth, and large corporate capital, we are at times confronted by the bold assertion, made by extremists, that some limit should be set to the amount of property an individual may own. The impracticability and inadvisability of any such measure are at once apparent. You might as well try to limit the capacity or energy of an individual. When you prevent an individual from accumulating you at once discourage his productiveness. This is an axiom beyond dispute.
As regards great corporate capital, I must admit that there has been in many instances, in the past, good cause for much of the unrest and dissatisfaction manifested by the people.
Toward competitors large corporations have too often been unscrupulous, just as the railways were in giving rebates to control the heavy traffic. These illegal and reprehensible methods were pursued far too long, not only causing immense personal and commercial loss and injury, but shaking the confidence of the public in the large corporations called Trusts. These offences can, however, under our new laws, hardly be repeated in the future.
Under the provisions of the Sherman Anti-Trust law, the Elkins Anti-Rebate law and other and later restraining statutes, condign punishment will, doubtless, be dealt out to offenders, and a rigid enforcement of these laws, and their necessary amendments, will be sufficient to regulate corporate bodies and stand as an ægis of protection for the nation.
In this very active period of business reform overcapitalization is an evil that must be classed with rebates, railroad discrimination, and other corporate abuses. This also applies almost equally to both the industrial and railroad systems. However much this evil may have been regarded and thought inevitable in the past, owing to peculiar and lax conditions in the pioneer days of railroads and industrial upbuilding, it is intolerable now, and should be made impossible in the future. There is not the slightest doubt that a great deal of the public unrest has proceeded from this source. But, with the stoppage of the evil, it ought to subside.
Overproduction of any kind is a detriment to trade and leads first to extravagance and then to disaster; overfeeding produces disease; overtraining of an athlete weakens him and causes his defeat; overstudy racks the nerves of the student and unfits him for usefulness. Overwork kills man and beast, and ruins even our locomotives and machinery. Too much rain, too much wind, and too much sunshine spoil our crops; too much confidence or too much caution prevents a business man from achieving success. There is a happy medium in all things which produces good results and promotes success. Under our modern system of financing our railroads and industrial corporations overcapitalization has in many instances run riot and produced an overplus of undigested securities. This system of financing will surely lead to disaster if not curbed and conducted in a rational manner. If a company needs additional funds for legitimate purposes, such capital is a necessity which stockholders will willingly provide; but the managers of corporations should be compelled to state exactly and definitely for what purpose such funds are needed, and should also be compelled to make a clear and definite report.
Centralization of power in the hands of an able executive is a good idea if he prove worthy of the trust his colleagues confide in him, but, on the other hand, makes him a master, and them slaves, if he be unscrupulous and crafty.
Happily, the days of overcapitalization are seemingly over, and an aroused public opinion will, no doubt, be expressed in whatever prohibitive laws are necessary, if those already enacted prove insufficient.
In, at least, some instances the existing laws seem inadequate. It is likewise due to the sound corporations of the country, as well as to the public, that something further should be provided to overcome the feeling of suspicion toward them, and to keep the people informed as to their existing methods and the true condition of their affairs.
The remedy for corporation wrongdoing is found in publicity! This publicity is the great need of the present and the future, and the public should demand it. It is a lamp that we should always keep burning.
In a recent address delivered by me before the Wharton School of Finance of the University of Pennsylvania, I urged that the New York Legislature, as well as the Legislatures of the other States, should respond to the popular agitation for this publicity by passing laws requiring all corporations to make at least semi-annual reports of their condition, certified to by registered public accountants, with power invested in the State superintendents to order special examinations by such accountants at any time when deemed necessary, that is, whenever any of them were suspected of being unsound or irregular in their business methods.
The question now to decide is what remedies can best be adopted to prevent a repetition of stock-watering. My plan is for the Government to appoint a salaried director in each of the interstate roads, this director to be on the executive committee also. His duty should be to act as a watchdog, and he should be required to report to the Interstate Commerce Commission all crooked acts or suspicions of any; besides which the interstate roads should be compelled by law to issue sworn statements of their exact condition semi-annually. Officials of railroad companies found guilty of any illegal acts whatsoever should be punished by imprisonment. Money penalties are of no use in stopping wrongs of wealthy corporations.
Railroad discriminations and other abuses were incident and owing to our extraordinary development during the last half century, and especially to the striking failure of our Legislatures to keep pace with national progress.
Let us briefly look into a few of the causes which were responsible for this railway abuse. Both before and after our recent Civil War this country was greatly in need of more railway transportation than it had, and national development was impossible without it. We had millions of square miles of territory rich in natural resources, but totally undeveloped and awaiting population, capital and transportation. Of course transportation had to be provided before either population or capital could venture with any freedom into the Great West. In those days it was vastly more difficult to raise $1,000,000 for a new railroad enterprise than it was to procure $100,000,000 in more recent times. The public was not accustomed to such ventures, and the country did not then contain the large number of wealthy men who must now be depended upon to back such great enterprises.
In those days railroads required relatively large capital; the risks were new and great, and some means of securing large profits had to be devised in order to tempt men of means to venture into such enterprises, which from their very nature involved a long wait for profit. Our earliest railroad builders were men of unbounded faith in the future, and they well knew that many years of patience and outlay would be necessary before such enterprises could become profitable. It is almost axiomatic to say that in this country our railroads have been the principal factors in national progress. In the United States, railroads were called upon to develop both population and traffic. In Europe, population and traffic were already in existence and simply awaited the railroad. When railroad building first began, England was already a closely settled country; and it was only necessary to construct the lines to obtain profitable traffic at once. No special inducements were necessary for the attraction of capital, and no preliminary period of waiting or loss was required to develop traffic. It was vastly different here; railroads had to be built across thousands of miles of new country, frequently over apparently insurmountable mountains where neither traffic nor population existed; and their builders, men of monumental ability and enterprise, knew full well that a generation must pass before such enterprises could be considered profitable and solid investments.
Under such conditions what inducements could be offered to overcome such overwhelming obstacles? While government aid was eagerly sought, it was restricted mainly to the Pacific roads where political reasons, such as unification of new territory, justified government support. Another form of national aid was the giving of large land grants to railroad corporations as a stimulus to the settlement of new territory and the building of roads adjacent thereto. Even those helps were insufficient.
Meanwhile, the treasures of the Great West offered irresistible attractions to new enterprise and settlement. The demand for more railroads was insistent; then came the devices of stock-watering and overcapitalization as inducements to new capital. Roads were often built entirely on bonds; and stock, having little or no value except for voting, was given away as a bonus with the bonds, or used for various purposes, often in speculation, and such stock frequently found its way back to the original promoters at bargain if not waste-paper prices. This era of speculative railroad building was naturally accompanied by all sorts of illegitimate operations; overcapitalization bearing a leading part. No one would now dare think of resorting to such practices as were common in those pioneer days. They were utterly indefensible, and yet as an expedient they served their purposes in raising much of the capital with which to develop our early railroad systems.
Our great railroad builders were fully entitled to great profits, since their boldness and skill developed the finest railroad systems the world has ever seen, and without them the United States would never have obtained its present magnificent position and prosperity. We must admit their methods were open to serious criticism, and would not be tolerated in these days of improved business standards. Nevertheless, they were the methods of the day, and must be judged as such. I do not wish to be understood as defending or apologizing for overcapitalization, for I consider it an economic evil of the most dangerous character, and its penalties—political as well as economic—cannot be averted.
It should not be forgotten that the great wave of grangerism and anti-railroad agitation which swept this country in the ‘80s was a direct revulsion of popular feeling against the burdens of overcapitalization and their tax upon traffic. These were the political results of such abuses. The economic consequences which followed—somewhat late to be sure—were witnessed in the reconstruction period that followed the panic of 1873, when vast millions of railroad capital were literally wiped out by the reorganization of railway corporations.
To-day most of our railroads are comparatively free of overcapitalization, both because much of the water has been eliminated by reorganizations, and because the increased value of terminals and other properties, as well as the large improvements that were paid for out of earnings, have increased the intrinsic value of shares which at one time may have been practically valueless. This process of accretion has been going on for many years, so that now there is comparatively little difference between intrinsic and market values. Of course, some recent striking departures from sound railroad financing can be cited; but I am speaking in broad terms, and have no hesitation whatever in asserting that American railroad investments are now sounder financially than any similar class of securities in the world, and this notwithstanding that railway companies are compelled to borrow enormous sums in order to meet the demands of a wonderfully expanding traffic.
A comparison greatly in our favor could be made with British railroads which have for years been inflating their shares by a policy of charging improvements to capital account; the American system being to charge such items against earnings. The result is that British railroad shares, which were once held up to us as models of soundness and honest capitalization, are now seriously threatened with an excess of water; and unless the present policy is changed, English stockholders will soon be discarding their home favorites for the bonds and stocks of more soundly managed American railroads.
I have dwelt considerably upon the overcapitalization of our railroads. Now a word about overcapitalization in another direction, where it is a vastly more serious affair. While we now have little to fear from overcapitalization of railroads, an inflation has taken place in our industrials of the most extravagant character, and this is one of the most serious menaces to our industrial and financial future. A feature of our national development which has attracted world-wide attention during the last ten years has been the consolidation of nearly all our great industries into a few “Trusts.” This era of consolidation, or “Trust-making,” must be classed as an industrial revolution of the highest import, containing tremendous possibilities for both good and evil. Within a few short years a large proportion of our industries were combined or turned into Trusts, and securities issued in exchange aggregating about $6,000,000,000.
Of course, many of the objects of these combinations were perfectly legitimate. The seeking of better and more economic methods of production and distribution was eminently proper, but the grasping for monopoly was not legitimate, and has proved more largely responsible for the political and social unrest of the times than any other single cause. Nothing has done more to stimulate Socialism than this unwholesome tendency toward monopoly and excessive centralization. On this feature, however, it is not my intention to dwell further; I must even entirely pass over the overcapitalization of public franchises as a subject of sufficient importance to demand special treatment.
All things considered, however, I feel safe in saying that there is practically no more reason for unrest on the part of the business community or the people of the nation, on account of the large aggregation of capital represented by Trusts, than from equally large sums in the hands of individuals; for both are equally controlled by law and influenced by public opinion, and public opinion is often more powerful than law in righting wrong. Moreover, public opinion makes the laws. As the Latin aphorism says, The People’s voice is the Voice of God!
I take decided issue with a certain distinguished gentleman from Maryland, that the existing unrest has been brought about by the national administration at Washington, and by the Chief Executive of our country, and challenge the truth of this assertion. It is both a surprising and ridiculous accusation. The leading men of thought—not only in the United States, but all over the world—agree that if, after the startling exposures of the life insurance and railroad abuses, President Roosevelt had not taken the sturdy and bold stand that he did, the confidence of the public would not only have been severely shaken, but would have been well-nigh uprooted; and such a general spirit of unrest would have followed as to be truly alarming in its nature.
As it was, his level-headed and courageous course was timely and almost providential, and instead of being the subject of adverse criticism, he is entitled to the highest praise from all. Apart from some politicians and a few others, we are indeed all paying him this deserved tribute. He has often shown us that he possesses the courage of his convictions. In conclusion, while we doubtless all agree that the existing social unrest, anxiety and prejudice are to be deplored, may we not also unite in the hope that, under the educating influence of a full discussion of the economic questions of the hour, and with the enforcement of the laws in the hands of an honest and courageous executive, the way to betterment will be thoroughly paved? It is a patriotic duty to endeavor to lessen popular discontent and promote social and political peace and harmony, and substitute public confidence for unrest and the violent agitation of Socialism, and so enhance the manifold blessings we enjoy as American citizens, yes, as citizens of the foremost nation of the world, with a future even grander than its past, a country where Nature is everywhere lavish of her abundance, and freedom and independence are our birthright. Beholding then, my friends, this grand spectacle of national progress and achievement even as it appears to us at this day, it certainly needs no prophetic tongue to foretell with confidence and absolute verity that to the true and ardent patriot and ambitious American, in fact, to every man inspired with lofty ideals and imbued with a spirit and desire for improvement and the perfection of democratic government, the social and political vista of our country’s future will disclose a picture of prosperity and contentment that will prove a glorious inheritance to the coming generations of the American people.
[Illustration:
From stereograph. Copyright, 1906, by Underwood & Underwood, N. Y. AUGUST BELMONT. ]
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CHAPTER LXXVIII.
THE FINANCIAL SITUATION.[6]
Footnote 6:
An address delivered by Henry Clews at the Fifteenth Annual Convention of the Kentucky Bankers’ Association in the Auditorium, Seelbach Hotel, Louisville, Kentucky, September 18, 1907.
_Mr. President, Members of the Kentucky Bankers’ Association_:
As all know, we have recently passed through a crisis of distrust in Wall Street—distrust of corporate credit, and railway and other corporate stocks. This was reflected in what I may call a slow panic, a heavy and prolonged decline on the Stock Exchange under a continuous flood of liquidation by both investors and speculators.
This crisis had been brewing for a long time, and we had a violent intimation of the dangerous and disturbing elements in the financial situation last spring, culminating in the collapse of the stock market in March. But it was not until a United States Court at Chicago inflicted a fine of $29,240,000 on the Standard Oil Company, of Indiana, that investors, and the large capitalists of Wall Street, including Standard Oilers, took alarm. Then the trouble became acute.
The Wall Street speculative multi-millionaires in particular felt the shoe pinch very sharply. They had been trying hard to engineer a bull movement in stocks, for they were very heavily loaded with them. They had, however, met with indifferent success, for the outside public was out of the market and refused to come in. This huge and unprecedented fine, these leaders of the bull movement saw, was a disconcerting and staggering blow at the property of corporations, and consequently at the stocks of corporations. It amounted, if enforced, to confiscation, and they, as large speculators, like the rich and moderately rich investing class, reasoned that if the Standard Oil Company of Indiana could be fined and have its property confiscated in this way, other corporations would be liable to the same fate. They also saw that small investors and people generally would think and argue as they themselves did, and that their consequent distrust would lead to a heavy decline in prices under heavy liquidation, through fear or necessity.
So they reversed their tactics. In other words, they decided to run, and, being a little lame, they started early. Instead of continuing their bull movement in stocks, they at once withdrew their support from the market and began to liquidate themselves, for self-protection. The rank and file of the bulls, seeing that stocks were going down with a rush from this and other sources, were quick to do likewise, as if they thought the devil would take the hindmost, while the bears helped the market’s descent by an unopposed and vigorous hammering. The bull leaders had abandoned it to its fate, and the banking interests were not willing to stand in the gap.
The best and highest-priced stocks suffered the heaviest decline, and for a fortnight there was an outpouring of stocks and a downpouring of prices that finally carried nearly all of these below the lowest of March. Wall Street trembled in its boots.
[Illustration:
ANTHONY N. BRADY. ]
The decline was accelerated by the unusual scarcity of money on time, and the advancing rates for it, which undermined confidence in the future of the money market, and in the ability of many corporations in urgent need of money to borrow on their collaterals, or obtain discounts. Fears on this score had very recently been justified by the failure of a large iron and construction company in New York City, and when it was followed by a receivership for the Pope Manufacturing Company, the rush to sell stocks, and the fresh break in prices, added to the previous demoralization. The bears held high carnival, for their harvest was abundant enough to realize their dreams of avarice.
It was feared that this failure might prove the beginning of a long line of similar failures, and there were many gloomy forebodings as to what would come next, either in the way of failures or State or Federal action against railway or industrial corporations, which would, by damaging their credit, lower the value of their stocks, and possibly imperil future dividends. We too often fear the things we think instead of the things that are.
Through all this turmoil and disorder the want of money by many large corporations and the difficulty of borrowing it was always an uppermost topic. It touched their weakest spot, and showed the insufficiency of their working capital. They had large assets in plant and materials, but comparatively little cash to carry on their large and increasing business. This made them dependent on the banks; and when the decline in stocks and bonds caused distrust that led to a curtailment or refusal of credits by the banks, they had nothing to fall back upon of their own. They were between the Devil and the deep sea.
This want of a sufficiency of liquid assets is a common shortcoming among our corporations, both large and small, and therefore a great element of weakness, especially in periods of distrust, and should be remedied as far as possible in the future. It is better to do less business on a safe basis than could be done by extensive borrowing, with the hazard of failure in some unlooked-for crisis or time of depression. The greed of gain should be tempered by the wise admonition to make haste slowly. But unfortunately most people are in a hurry, and want to make short cuts to success.
The August crisis, like all panics, was brought about and aggravated more by fears of impending trouble and false rumors than by actual occurrences. Sentiment often sways as much as facts, and the public had become extremely sensitive to unfavorable news and constructions regarding the situation, and comparatively blind and deaf to its favorable features. All this was ammunition for the bears on the Stock Exchange, and they made the most of it by steadily and relentlessly hammering stocks down, so increasing the depression caused by the liquidation of both speculators and investors, and the loss of confidence in values. But, like Oliver Twist, the bears still asked for more.
This want of confidence was mainly due to exaggerated apprehensions of the effect upon railway and industrial corporations and their stocks of the Government investigations and prosecutions, and the hasty action of the States against the railways in cutting down their rates. Much of this State legislation is too restrictive, and will probably be modified, or rescinded, after a trial.
It was argued that there was no telling where and when the so-called crusade against the railways and the Trusts would stop, or what the final result would be. The bears and the alarmists were equally loud and excited in pointing to the twenty-nine-million fine as a sign of what, in varying degrees and amounts, might happen to other corporations, and bring ruin to many of them. Thus a merely unsettling influence was magnified into a formidable element of national disaster. As prophets of disaster, the bears outdid each other, regardless of their friends, the bulls.
The threats and aggressive attitude of some of the Government’s law officers alarmed many as much as their allegations against the corporations they prosecuted did, and they feared that irreparable harm to those corporations, and their business, would be done before their cases were finally decided on appeal, and that their stocks and bonds would suffer accordingly, with, it might be, interest and dividends suspended. Thus they borrowed a large amount of trouble.